By Adéṣẹ́gun Ọṣìbánjọ,
Hello everyone, I am Adéṣẹ́gun Olútáyọ Adéolú Ọṣìbánjọ, also known as 2AO or Bobo Oshy. I am a distinguished Nigerian Pan-Africanist, Energy Consultant, Technical Writer, and Thought Leader and Convener of Africa Woke Citizens Platform (AWCP).
Welcome to the maiden edition of Core Drilling & Woke Advocacy With Bobo Oshy where we drill deeper into the core of African and Global issues and Woke us into the realities of the outcomes. This session is Part 2: The outcome of my Consultations and Research on the Eastern DR Congo War, which is a follow-up to the Post on my LinkedIn profile.
Setting the Drill Point
Let us set the drill bit point by attempting to find the real answers to the question, “What is the Eastern DR Congo War truly all about?”
In our quest to understand the complexities of the Eastern DR Congo conflict, we will strike a balance by incorporating insights from various sources. These include an interview with former Rwanda Army Chief of Staff Lieutenant-General Kayumba Nyamwasa on South Africa’s Newsroom Afrika Channel: https://youtu.be/1JxLxbWKM0Y?si=QR-NBl9p6fGbLin2, where he engages in the conversation on the conflict with the M23 Rebels and Rwanda’s involvement in controlling mineral resources. We will also consider President Paul Kagame’s address during the EAC Virtual Leaders Summit, insights from esteemed Prof PLO Lumumba, and former President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa. Additionally, research and consultations with my Congolese contacts will be included in determining what the Eastern DR Congo War is truly all about.
The Deep Extraction
Let us commence the deep extraction with “The Scramble for Africa” which resulted in the Berlin Conference between 1884 and 1885. This conference aimed to prevent conflicts between European powers and establish the framework for colonization, ultimately leading to “The Partitioning of Africa.” According to the great Osagyefo and foremost Pan-Africanist, H.E. Late Dr Kwame Nkrumah, this partitioning remains deliberately maintained by successive African Heads of State and Governments to sustain neocolonialism through European-imposed puppetry and proxy governments to this day.
Let’s narrow “The Partitioning of Africa” down to the Congo Basin. People of the same ancestry, language, culture, tradition, identity, and even food were separated into two distinct Countries. King Leopold II of Belgium was granted control over the Congo Free State, which is now known as the Democratic Republic of the Congo (often referred to as Congo-Kinshasa), a vast territory he ruled as his possession from 1885 to 1908 through genocide, while the other part, the Republic of the Congo (often referred to as Congo-Brazzaville), was given to France for colonization.
Fast forward to today, the artificial borders created during the Scramble for Africa, the Partitioning, and the Colonization of Africa have contributed to numerous border disputes and conflicts across the Continent, such as the ongoing DR Congo war. These borders have led to the erasure of African identities, cultures, and histories.
The Vintage Perspective
Looking above the surface and from the foregoing analysis, it might have been easily assumed that “The Scramble for Africa, the Partitioning, and Colonization of Africa,” along with President Félix Tshisekedi’s refusal to accept that M23 are Congolese-speaking Tutsis and a group formed to protect the interests of the Tutsi Banyamulenges, are the root causes of the war in DR Congo. This perspective is supported by the videos of President Kagame, Prof. PLO Lumumba, and former President Mbeki. However, the video of Lt. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa sharply contradicts these assumptions, as will be seen later in the analysis.
Playback to the post-independence era, Patrice Lumumba, the 1st Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Congo-Kinshasa), was seen as a significant threat capable of undoing the deliberately sustained Western colonial frameworks. He was brutally assassinated in collusion with his Congolese kinsmen. His strong stance against colonialism, efforts to nationalize resources, and request for Soviet assistance during the Congo Crisis alarmed the United States and Belgium. These Western powers, along with local political rivals, conspired to remove him from power.
From there on, successive Congolese leaders maintained the Colonial frameworks. President Mobutu Sese Seko, who came to power after a Coup, initially maintained a relatively neutral stance towards the Banyamulenges. In 1972, he passed a law that granted citizenship to all Rwandan and Burundian immigrants who had settled in the Congo before 1950. This move was part of his broader strategy to consolidate power and gain support from various ethnic groups within the country.
Rwanda has been involved in DR Congo’s internal affairs for over 30 years since 1996 right from the regime change of President Mobutu Sese Seko to the emergence of President Félix Tshisekedi according to Lt. Gen. Nyamwasa.
The conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has deep roots, beginning with President Laurent-Désiré Kabila’s rise to power. Kabila, with the backing of the Tutsi-led government in Rwanda, overthrew Mobutu Sese Seko in 1997. Initially, Kabila’s relationship with the Rwandese was very cooperative with Gen. James Kabarebe, a Tutsi serving as the Chief of Staff of the Congolese Army. Still, tensions soon arose as Kabila pursued a more independent line. He moved against ethnic Tutsis in his Administration and Army, leading to a fallout with the Tutsi-dominated Rwandan government leading to Kabarebe’s departure from Congo to Rwanda to take up the role of Chief of Defence Staff of the Rwandan Defence Force (RDF) under President Paul Kagame’s administration in 1998.
This fallout gave room to the full absorption of the Banyamulenges into the Congolese Administration and Army according to Lt. Gen. Nyamwasa. This same fallout also contributed to the outbreak of the Second Congo War, often referred to as “Africa’s World War” which erupted when President Kabila turned against his former allies, Rwanda and Uganda, who had helped him seize power from Mobutu. The conflict quickly expanded, drawing in multiple African nations and numerous armed groups, making it one of the largest and deadliest wars in African history. The war involved nine African nations and numerous armed rebel groups, making it one of the largest and deadliest conflicts in African history. The war officially ended in 2003, but the violence and instability it caused have persisted, particularly in the eastern regions of the DRC.
Joseph Kabila, who took over as President after his father’s assassination in January 2001, played a significant role in ending the Second Congo War. He was instrumental in negotiating the Pretoria Accord in 2002, which led to the end of the war and the establishment of a transitional government. During this administration, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Rwanda collaborated on several military offensives against the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). These included joint military operations in the eastern DRC, particularly in South Kivu and North Kivu provinces. The major offensive in 2015 saw strategic support initially from the UN mission MONUSCO, although they later withdrew due to leadership disputes. Rwanda played a key role in supporting the DRC, given the FDLR’s origins in the Rwandan genocide. However, these operations were marred by human rights concerns, with both the FDLR and the Congolese army accused of abuses. The efforts aimed to dismantle the FDLR and enhance regional stability, but highlighted the complexities of addressing armed groups in the DRC.
President Félix Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo, who took office in 2019, significantly improved relations with Rwanda and the Tutsi community. The relationship between Presidents Tshisekedi and Kagame was particularly cordial between 2018 and 2021. During this period, Tshisekedi visited Kigali several times, and Kagame even attended the funeral of Tshisekedi’s father, reflecting the strong rapport between them.
There was no M23 Rebel group during this period of fraternity between Tshisekedi and Kagame. Instead, it was a time of greater collaboration between the DRC and Rwanda to dismantle the leadership of the FDLR. Several operational offensives were launched, including joint military operations targeting FDLR strongholds in the eastern DRC, particularly in North Kivu and South Kivu provinces. The aim was to dismantle the FDLR and reduce its threat to regional stability.
According to Lt. Gen. Nyamwasa, the relationship between Presidents Tshisekedi and Kagame grew tense between 2021 and 2023. During this period, President Tshisekedi made agreements with President Museveni of Uganda to deploy Ugandan troops into Congo and signed a Road construction contract from Uganda into the DRC. Additionally, he made a deal with Burundi to deploy troops into South Kivu, but Rwanda was excluded. This exclusion angered President Kagame, who felt sidelined and responded with the declaration, “I have not been invited into Congo, but we shall go there uninvited.”
This issue, along with unresolved matters over mineral resources as compensation for joint military operations, led Rwanda to enter eastern DRC uninvited, as promised by President Kagame. This action gave birth to the M23 Rebel group. Subsequently, Rwanda began exploiting Congolese resources using the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) to capture Mining areas. The well-trained and professional soldiers then called in civilian Rwandan Mining companies to take over mining and sales without getting involved in the operations of the Mines.
It is an open secret that the M23 Rebels are fully supported by Rwandese forces, and it would not be the first group that Rwanda has supported while officially denying it. Rwanda was fully involved in toppling the regime of Mobutu Sese Seko but initially denied its involvement. The War is about taking political control of DRC to exploit its resources.
The Final Strike
It is mind-boggling that successive administrations in the DRC, from President Laurent-Désiré Kabila to President Félix Tshisekedi, failed to invest in and develop the country’s military capacity. Instead, they consistently relied on the military might of the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF), which exposed the DRC’s vulnerabilities. As a result, Rwanda has taken undue advantage of the DRC’s military weaknesses, and the DRC is paying heavily for its failure to strengthen its military.
Despite the arms embargo imposed by the UN Security Council (UNSC) since 2003, the DRC should have sought regional military assistance from the East African Community (EAC) to mitigate risks and reduce vulnerability to Rwanda. Additionally, the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the DR Congo (MONUSCO) is also complicit, as the DRC paid $1 billion annually for 30 years without any improvement in the country’s security situation.
Kindly allow me break the Final strike that this maiden edition of Core Drilling of the Eastern DR Congo War made seamlessly by the special courtesy of the former Rwanda Army Chief of Staff Lieutenant-General Kayumba Nyamwasa Woke us into is that the solution to all of Africa’s Leadership problems, crises, and challenges lies in establishing a robust Institutionalized Supranational authority that can oversee and intervene in all African affairs, and categorically call erring Heads of State and Governments to immediate order. This will put an end to Impunity across Member states on the Continent.
This Institutionalized Supranational authority is needed to call DR Congo, Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, South Africa, and Representatives of Rwandan refugees scattered all over Eastern and Southern Africa into a Peace and Conflict resolution meeting and achieve closure to all listed Agenda issues and categorically tell President Paul Kagame to evacuate all Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) out of DR Congo with immediate effect. The only authority with a semblance to this Institution right now are the Permanent members of the United Nations Security Council who will do no such thing because they assisted Kagame in winning the Genocidal war to protect and promote their Interests in the region.
This is the core reason why the Africa Woke Citizens Platform (AWCP) keeps advocating for the upgrading of the African Union into an Institutionalized Supranational authority. Unfortunately, neither the African Union nor Regional Institutions like: ECOWAS, EAC & SADC under the present circumstances have the Legal frameworks to achieve this closure. This is why we are managing our expectations about the joint Summits of EAC & SADC scheduled for the 7th & 8th of February 2025 and the African Union Assembly of Heads of State and Government also scheduled for the 12th – 16th of February 2025 on the Eastern DR Congo War.
Nostalgically remembering the strong bond that existed when Patrice Lumumba was mentored by Ghana’s post-independence President, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, history calls once again on His Excellency John Dramani Mahama of Ghana to continue the legacy of the great Osagyefo. He should rally African Heads of State and Government, particularly President João Lourenço of Angola, President Emmerson Mnangagwa of Zimbabwe, and other Presidents who are Generals in the Great Lakes region, except for President Yoweri Museveni, who is an in-law to President Kagame. They need to confront President Paul Kagame with the truth and establish institutionalized Supranational authority for the African Union.
God bless Africa!!!
Adéṣẹ́gun Olútáyọ̀ Adéolú Ọṣìbánjọ BENG, MBA, MNSE, MNIEE, MCIPSMN
Convener, Africa Woke Citizens Platform (AWCP)
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